Chandigarh's Voting Patterns Show Kirron Kher's Victory is No Aberration

Of late, there has been greater recognition of states (and the sub-state regions within them) as preferred analytical units for election studies in India, unlike the past when everyone attempted all-India-based election studies. There is, however, a critical need to go beyond and consider constituencies as the units in the study of elections.
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Given the size and variations, parliamentary constituencies in India are fairly comparable even to the constituent states in federal states like Australia, Nigeria and even the US, among others.
Chandigarh constituency has a territory of 114 sq kms and a population of approximately 1.2 million, and due to its predominantly middle class/upper caste character, offers a laboratory-like environment for a controlled study of elections in a limited geographical/human space.
Centrally-appointed bureaucrats run this union territory. Governor of Punjab is the ex-officio chief administrator of the UT, assisted by his advisor, again a civil servant. The city forms the major part of the Lok Sabha constituency, but it has also its share of villages and semi-developed colonies, pathetic slums in the periphery – the latter inhabited by the ones who came to build this city from scratch – and migrant workers.
Chandigarh became both a Lok Sabha constituency and union territory in 1966 and also the joint capital city of both Punjab and newly-created Haryana. Before that, it was an assembly constituency of Punjab.
Chandigarh, unlike Delhi and Puducherry, now only has a municipal council and no legislative assembly. Councillors are dependent on the bureaucracy and belong to different factions headed by the BJP and the Congress city bosses.

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